ਅਸੀਂ ਇਤਹਾਸ ਦੇ ਓਸ ਪੜਾ ਤੇ ਹਾਂ
ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੀ ਪਛਾਣ ਬੜੀ ਔਖੀ ਹੈ
ਉਹਦੀ ਸ਼ਹੀਦੀ ਮਹਾਨ ਬੜੀ ਸੌਖੀ ਹੈ

ਜਿਵੇਂ ਕਦੇ ਗੁਰੂ ਕਿਹੜਾ ਦਾ ਵੀ ਰੌਲਾ ਸੀ
ਬਾਈ ਮੰਜੀਆਂ ਤੇ ਗੁਰੂ ਦਾ ਚੋਲਾ ਸੀ
ਏਸੇ ਤਰਾਂ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਜਿਹੜਾ ਹੈ
ਉਹ ਅਸਲੀ ਤੇ ਤਸਲੀਬਖਸ਼ ਕਿਹੜਾ ਹੈ
ਇਕ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਜੈਲਦਾਰਾਂ ਸਰਦਾਰਾਂ ਦਾ
ਜਿਹਨਾਂ ਨੇ ਜ਼ਿਲੇ ਦਾ ਨਾਂ ਤਾਂ ਰਖਿਆ ਹੈ
ਜਿਹਨਾਂ ਸ਼ਹੀਦੀ ਨੂੰ ਨਾ ਤਕਿਆ ਨਾ ਚੱਖਿਆ ਹੈ
ਇਹ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਦੇ ਰੋਹ ਤੋਂ ਡਰਦੇ ਮਰਦੇ ਨੇ
ਏਸੇ ਲਈ ਸ਼ਹੀਦੀ ਦਾ ਪਖੰਡੀ ਸਤਿਕਾਰ ਕਰਦੇ ਨੇ

ਇਕ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਬੁੱਤ ਦੇ ਰੂਪ ਪਾਰਲੀਮਿੰਟ 'ਚ
ਜਿਸ ਦੀ ਪੱਗ ਦਾ ਮੁੱਲ ਪੰਜਾਬ ਤਾਰੇਗਾ
ਟੋਪ ਵਾਲੇ ਨੂੰ ਸਾਰਾ ਭਾਰਤ ਸਤਿਕਾਰੇਗਾ
ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਤਾਂ ਨਾ ਟੋਪ ਸੀ ਨਾ ਪੱਗ ਸੀ
ਉਹ ਸਾਮਰਾਜੀ ਨੱਫਰਤ ਦਾ ਵਗਦਾ ਦਰਿਆ ਸੀ
ਦੇਸ ਵਾਸੀਆਂ ਦੇ ਜੋਸ਼ ਦੀ ਨਿਰੀ ਅੱਗ ਸੀ
ਅਜਾਦੀ ਦੇ ਸੰਗਰਾਮ ਦਾ ਸਿਤਾਰਾ
ਪਗੜੀ ਸੰਭਾਲ ਜੱਟਾ ਦਾ ਗੂੰਜਦਾ ਨਾਹਰਾ
ਉਹ ਚਾਚੇ ਅਜੀਤ ਦੀ ਹਾਮੀ ਸੀ ਭਰਦਾ
ਅਜ ਦਾ ਕਿਸਾਨ ਕਿਉਂ ਖੁਦਕਸ਼ੀ ਹੈ ਕਰਦਾ
ਲੋਕਾਂ ਦੇ ਰੋਹ ਤੋਂ ਡਰਦੇ ਐਲਾਨ ਹੈ ਛੁੱਟੀ ਦਾ
ਸਰਕਾਰੀ ਭੁਚਲਾਵੇ ਦੇ ਕੇ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਹੈ ਲੁੱਟੀ ਦਾ

ਨਾ ਉਹ 'ਪੁੱਤ ਜੱਟਾਂ' ਦੇ ਨਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਰੋਲਦਾ ਸੀ
ਉਹ ਸਮੁੱਚੀ ਮਨੁੱਖਤਾ ਦਾ ਹਾਮੀ ਸੀ
ਉਹ ਤਾਂ ਕਾਮਰੇਡ ਇੰਨਕਲਾਬ ਦਾ ਰਾਹ ਟੋਲਦਾ ਸੀ
ਤਾਂ ਹੀ ਤਾਂ ਇਨੰਕਲਾਬ ਜਿੰਦਾਬਾਦ ਬੋਲਦਾ ਸੀ

ਜੋ ਪੁਲਿਸ ਦਾ ਸਖਲਾਈ ਕੇਂਦਰ ਫਿਲੌਰ ਹੈ
ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦਾ ਕਰਮ ਖੇਤਰ ਤਾਂ ਲਾਹੌਰ ਹੈ
ਹਾਕਮਾਂ ਦੀ ਹਫਾਜਤ ਲਈ ਇਕ ਡਰਾਉਣਾ ਸੁਪਨਾ
ਉਹਦੀ ਫੋਟੋ ਤਾਂ ਟੈਰਾਰਿਸਟ ਲਿਸ਼ਕੋਰ ਹੈ

ਸਾਡਾ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਤਾਂ ਅਲਾਣੀ ਮੰਜੀ ਤੇ ਬੈਠਾ
ਨੰਗੇ ਸਿਰ ਨਾ ਟੋਪ ਤੇ ਨਾ ਪੱਗ ਹੈ ਦਰਕਾਰ
ਜਿਹਦੇ ਹਥਾਂ 'ਚ ਹਥਕੜੀਆਂ ਪੈਰੀਂ ਬੇੜੀਆਂ
ਜਿਹਦੇ ਸੁਪਨੇ ਅਜਾਦੀ ਦੇ ਸੂਹੇ ਸੁਪਨੇ
ਆਪਣੇ ਹੱਕਾਂ ਲਈ ਜਾਰੀ ਰਹੇਗਾ ਜਹਾਦ
ਇੰਨਕਲਾਬ ਜਿੰਦਾਬਾਦ ਇੰਨਕਲਾਬ ਜਿੰਦਾਬਾਦ

-ਸੰਤੋਖ ਸਿੰਘ ਸੰਤੋਖ-

The years 1926, 1927 and 1928 may be regarded as depicting a wandering and restless spirit of young Bhagat Singh. The hanging of the four youths in the Kakori Conspiracy Case and the heavy sentences on many others had set a fire to the heart of the emotional youth, and his first impulse was to avenge the death of his dear comrades. In the year 1927 he directed his energy towards this purpose, but the efforts were mostly un­successful.



In order to achieve better results a meeting of the important members of the party was held at Cawnpore sometime in the year 1927, and it was decided there that the first work of the party would be to organize and consolidate the party. With this aim in view Bhagat Singh and Bijoy Kumar Sinha undertook to tour Punjab, U. P. & Bihar and establish connections with scattered youths.



But hardly had he commenced work on this line in right earnest when a strange incident occurred which checked his activities for the time being. In October, 1926 a bomb was thrown at Lahore on a dense crowd which had -accumulated on the occasion of Ram-Leela procession. The Punjab police, by an ingenious argument, convinced themselves that it was the work of the Revolutionary party. It forthwith began to look for an important revolutionary who was at Lahore on that date. As Bhagat Singh admirably suited their purpose, they arrested him and lodged him in the Borstal Jail. For several days he was locked up in a Solitary cell without being produced before a magistrate or getting an opportunity to know why he was arrested. Nevertheless, he got an opportunity to see the inside of that very jail where his comrades, two years and a half later, valiantly fought alongside with him in the memorable hunger strike for the betterment of the lot of the political prisoners.

When the charges were revealed to him he was greatly surprised. To be hauled up any moment for revolutionary conspiracy was a thing to the idea of which he had accustomed himself from boyhood. But to be charged with the heinous offence of killing innocent men and women on a Mela day like the Dussera, was a thing beyond his dreams. The case dragged on for a long period and the learned magistrate asked him to furnish a security for no less than Rs. 60,000 before he could be released on bail. There was, of course, not much difficulty in procuring the huge security for such a family as that of Bhagat Singh. After a prolonged litigation, the bond was ultimately cancelled by order of the High Court. The whole episode is a glaring commentary on the methods of the police who thus harassed Bhagat Singh with impunity for a crime with which he had not even the shadow of a connexion.



During the period when he was en­larged on a security of Rs. 60,000 Bhagat Singh could not naturally take part in revolutionary activities. But this period he utilized by taking part in public acti­vities in which he rapidly came to the forefront. Two important things carried out by Bhagat Singh at this period were the organization of the well-known Nau-Jawan Bharat Sabha and the public de­monstrations in connexion with the hanging’s of the revolutionaries in the Kakori Conspiracy Case. The first deve­loped into the foremost national organization of the youths of the Punjab, and considerably influenced the activities of the Congress. The second resulted in the "Kakori Day" celebrations which took place on the day when the four young men were hanged a year ago.



While engaged in organizing the "Kakori Day" celebrations, an idea came into the mind of Bhagat Singh to deliver public lectures on the lives of the Indian youths who had laid their lives in the Lahore Conspiracy Cases of 1915 and 1916 He set to work and collected photos from obscure places and got lantern slides made of them. He had an idea of going on a lecture tour throughout Northern India in accompaniment with these lantern slides. Though he could not carry out his plan as far as Northern India was concerned, he organized very successful lectures at Lahore. On the first day of the lantern lecture at Bradlaugh Hall, the whole hall was packed to suffocation and the lectures were listened to with rapt attention. It should be noted, however, that Bhagat Singh was prevented from delivering the lectures himself on account of the huge security. But he instructed his lieutenant, Bhagwati Charan, gave him full materials and provided him with lecture notes. On account of the striking success of these lantern lectures, they were soon prohibited by the Punjab Government. It may be mentioned here that this was the same Bhagwati Charan whose name comes out so prominently in the recent Lahore Conspiracy Case which started on 26th. January, 1931, and of whom it is stated that he died while carrying on an experiment in the preparation of bombs on account of a terrible explosion. He was an absconder in that Lahore Conspiracy Case in which Bhagat Singh and Dutt figured.



Bhagat Singh's idea in organizing the Nau Jawan Bharat Sabha as a distinct from, and in some cases a rival organization to the Congress should be carefully studied. His study of the poverty question of the world convinced him that the emancipation of India laid not merely in political freedom but in the economic freedom of the masses. Hence the activities of the N. B. Sabha were planned on purely communistic lines. In fact, it was meant to be purely a laborers' and peasants' organization to which the youths of the country were required to render service.



We thus see a great change in the thought and outlook of Sardar Bhagat Singh. In 1926-27, he was of opinion that terrorism should be one of the weapons of the revolutionary party. The hangings in the Kakori Case, in spite of the powerful appeals of the legislators and councilors for a commutation, made him a convinced terrorist. But his deeper study of the problems of India, which were to him identical with those of the world, led him to change his opinion. During his study at the National College, Lahore, he was gradually converted to socialism, and he began to look up to Russia as the state which came up nearest to his ideal.

wah o wah bai ji maja a gaya pad k bht he jada sohne poem a..

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A new question has cropped up. Is it due to vanity that I do not believe in the existence of an omnipotent, omnipresent and omniscient God? I had never imagined that I would ever have to confront such a question. But conversation with some friends has given me, a hint that certain of my friends, if I am not claiming too much in thinking them to be so-are inclined to conclude from the brief contact they have had with me, that it was too much on my part to deny the existence of God and that there was a certain amount of vanity that actuated my disbelief. Well, the problem is a serious one. I do not boast to be quite above these human traits. I am a man and nothing more. None can claim to be more. I also have this weakness in me. Vanity does form a part of my nature. Amongst my comrades I was called an autocrat. Even my friend Mr. B.K. Dutt sometimes called me so. On certain occasions I was decried as a despot. Some friends do complain and very seriously too that I involuntarily thrust my opinions upon others and get my proposals accepted. That this is true up to a certain extent, I do not deny. This may amount to egotism. There is vanity in me in as much as our cult as opposed to other popular creeds is concerned. But that is not personal. It may be, it is only legitimate pride in our cult and does not amount to vanity. Vanity or to be more precise "Ahankar" is the excess of undue pride in one's self. Whether it is such an undue pride that has led me to atheism or whether it is after very careful study of the subject and after much consideration that I have come to disbelieve in God, is a question that I, intend to discuss here. Let me first make it clear that egotism and vanity are two different things.In the first place, I have altogether failed to comprehend as to how undue pride or vaingloriousness could ever stand in the way of a man in believing in God. I can refuse to recognize the greatness of a really great man provided I have also achieved a certain amount of popularity without deserving it or without having possessed the qualities really essential or indispensible for the same purpose. That much is conceivable. But in what way can a man believing in God cease believing due to his personal vanity? There are only two Ways. The man should either begin to think himself a rival of God or he may begin to believe himself to be God. In neither case can he become a genuine atheist. In the first case he does not even deny the existence of his rival. In the second case as well he admits the existence of a conscious being behind the screen guiding all the movements of nature. It is of no importance to us whether he thinks himself to be that supreme being or whether he thinks the supreme conscious being to be somebody apart from himself. The fundamental is there. His belief is there. He is by no means an atheist. Well, here I am I neither belong to the first category nor to the second. I deny the very existence of that Almighty Supreme being. Why I deny it shall be dealt with later on. Here I want to clear one thing, that it is not vanity that has actuated me to adopt the doctrines of atheism. I am neither a rival nor an incarnation nor the Supreme Being Himself. One point is decided, that it is not vanity that has led me to this mode of thinking. Let me examine the facts to disprove this allegation. According to these friends of mine I have grown vainglorious perhaps due to the undue popularity gained during the trials-both Delhi Bomb and Lahore conspiracy cases. Well, let us see if their premises are correct. My atheism is not of so recent origin. I had stopped believing in God when I was an obscure young man, of whose existence my above mentioned friends were not even aware. At least a college student cannot cherish any short of undue pride which may lead him to atheism. Though a favourite with some professors and disliked by certain others, I was never an industrious or a studious boy. I could not get any chance of indulging in such feelings as vanity. I was rather a boy with a very shy nature, who had certain pessimistic dispositions about the future career' And in those days, I was not a perfect atheist. My grand-father under whose influence I was brought up is an orthodox Arya Samajist. An Arya Samajist is anything but an atheist. After finishing my primary education I joined the D.A.V. School of Lahore and stayed in its Boarding House for full one year. There, apart from morning and evening prayers, I used to recite "Gayatri Mantra" for hours and hours. I was a perfect devotee in those days. Later on I began to live with my father. He is a liberal in as much as the orthodoxy of religions is concerned. It was through his teachings that I aspired to devote my life to the cause of freedom. But he is not an atheist. He is a firm believer. He used to encourage me for offering prayers daily. So, this is how I was brought up. In the Non-Co-operation days I joined the National College. it was there that I began to think liberally and discuss and criticise all the religious problems, even about God. But still I was a devout believer. By that time I had begun to preserve the unshorn and unclipped long hair but I could never believe in the mythology and doctrines of Sikhism or, any other religion. But I had a firm faith in God's existence.
Later on I joined the revolutionary party. The first leader with whom I came in contact, though not convinced, could not dare to deny the existence of God. On my persistent inquiries about God, he used to say, "Pray whenever you want to". Now this is atheism less courage required for the adoption of that creed. The second leader with whom I came in contact was a firm believer. Let me mention his name-respected comrade Sachindra Nath Sanyal, now undergoing life transportation in connexion with the Karachi conspiracy case. From the every first page of his famous and only book, "Bandi Jivan" (or Incarcerated Life), the Glory of God is sung vehemently. In the last page of the second part of that beautiful book his mystic-because of vedantism - praises showered upon God form a very conspicuous part of his thoughts. "The Revolutionary leaflet" distributed- throughout India on January 28th 1925, was according to the prosecution story the result of his intellectual labour, Now, as is inevitable in the secret work the prominent leader expresses his own views-which are very dear to his person and the rest of the workers have to acquiesce in them-in spite of differences, which they might have. In that leaflet one full paragraph was devoted to praise the Almighty and His rejoicings and doing. That is all mysticism. What I wanted to point out was that the idea of disbelief had not even germinated in the revolutionary party. The famous Kakori martyrs-all four of them-passed their last day in prayers. Ram Prasad Bismil was an orthodox Arya Samajist. Despite his wide studies in the field of Socialism and Communism, Rajen Labiri could not suppress his desire, of reciting hymns of the Upanishads and the Gita. I saw only one man amongst them, who never prayed and used to say, "Philosophy is the outcome of human weakness or limitation of knowledge". He is also undergoing a sentence of transportation for life. But he also never dared to deny the existence of God.
UP to that period I was only a romantic idealist revolutionary. Uptil then we were to follow. Now came the time to shoulder the whole responsibility. Due to the inevitable reaction for some time the very existence of the Party seemed impossible. Enthusiastic comrades-nay leaders-began to jeer at us. For some time I was afraid that some day I also might not be convinced of the futility of our own programme. That was a turning point in my revolutionary career. "Study" was the cry that reverberated in the corridors of my mind. Study to enable yourself to face the arguments advanced by opposition. Study to arm yourself with arguments in favour of your cult. I began to study. My previous faith and convictions underwent a remarkable modification. The Romance of the violent methods alone which was so prominent amongst our predecessors, was replaced by serious ideas. No more mysticism, no more blind faith. Realism became our cult. Use of force justifiable when resorted to as a matter of terrible necessity: non-violence as policy indispensable for all mass movements. So much about methods. The most important thing was the clear conception of the ideal for which we were to fight, As there were no important activities in the field of action I got ample opportunity to study various ideals of the world revolution. I studied Bakunin, the Anarchist leader, something of Marx the father of Communism and much of Lenin, Trotsky and others the men who had successfully carried out a revolution in their country. They were all atheists. Bakunin's "God and State", though only fragmentary, is an interesting study of the subject. Later still I came across a book entitled 'Common Sense' by Nirlamba Swami. It was only a sort of mystic atheism. This subject became of utmost interest to me. By the end of 1926 I had been convinced as to the baselessness of the theory of existence of an almighty supreme being who created, guided and controled the universe. I had given out this disbelief of mine. I began discussion on the subjects with my friends. I had become a pronounced atheist. But, what it meant will presently be discussed.
In May 1927 I was arrested at Lahore. The arrest was a surprise. I was quite unaware of (he fact that the police wanted me. All of a sudden while passing through a garden I found myself surrounded by police. To my own surprise, I was very calm at that time. I did not feel any sensation, neither did I experience any excitement. I was taken into police custody. Next day I was taken to the Railway Police lock-up where I was to pass full one month. After many day's conversation with the Police officials I guessed that they had some information regarding my connexion with the Kakori Party and my other activities in connexion with the revolutionary movement. They told me that I had been to Lucknow while the trial was going on there, that I had negotiated a certain scheme about their rescue, that after obtaining their approval, we had procured some bombs, that by way of test one of the bombs was thrown in the crowd on the occasion of Dussehra 1926. They further informed me, in my interest, that if I could give any statement throwing some light on the activities of the revolutionary party, I was not to be imprisoned but on the contrary set free and rewarded even without being produced as an approver in the Court. I laughed at the proposal. It was all humbug. People holding ideas like ours do not throw bombs on their own innocent people. One fine morning Mr. New man, the then Senior Superintendent of C.I.D., came to me. And after much sympathetic talk with me imparted-to him-the extremely sad news that if I did not give any statement as demanded by them, they would be forced to send me up for trial for conspiracy to wage war in connexion with Kakori Case and for brutal murders in connexion with Dussehra Bomb outrage. And he further informed me that they had evidence enough to get me convicted and hanged. In those days I believed-though I was quite innocent-the police could do it if they desired. That very day certain police officials began to persuade me to offer my prayers to God regularly both the times. Now I-was an atheist. I wanted to settle for myself whether it was in the days of peace and enjoyment alone that I could boast of being an atheist or whether during such hard times as well I could stick to those principles of mine. After great consideration I decided that I could not lead myself to believe in and pray to God. No, I never did. That was the real test and I came, out successful. Never for a moment did I desire to save my neck at the cost of certain other things. So I was a staunch disbeliever : and have ever since been. It was not an easy job to stand that test. 'Belief' softens the hardships, even can make them pleasant. In God man can find very strong consolation and support. Without Him, I man has to depend upon himself. To stand upon one's own legs amid storms and hurricanes is not a child's play. At such testing moments, vanity-if any-evaporates, and man cannot dare to defy the general beliefs, if he does, then we must conclude that he has got certain other strength than mere vanity. This is exactly the situation now. Judgment is already too well known. Within a week it is to be pronounced. What is the consolation with the exception of the idea that I am going to sacrifice my life for a cause ? A God-believing Hindu might be expecting to be reborn as a king, a Muslim or a Christian might dream of the luxuries to be- enjoyed in paradise and the reward he is to get for his sufferings and sacrifices. But what am I to expect? I know the moment the rope is fitted round my neck and rafters removed, from under my feet. that will be the final moment-that will be the last moment. I, or to be more precise, my soul, as interpreted in the metaphysical terminology, shall all be finished there. Nothing further. A short life of struggle with no such magnificent end, shall in itself be the reward if I have the courage to take it in that light. That is all. With no selfish motive, or desire to be awarded here or hereafter, quite disinterestedly have I devoted my life to the cause of independence, because I could not do otherwise. The day we find a great number of men and women with this psychology who cannot devote themselves to anything else than the service of mankind and emancipation of the suffering humanity; that day shall inaugurate the era of liberty. Not to become a king, nor to gain any other rewards here, or in the next birth or after death in paradise, shall they be inspired to challenge the oppressors, exploiters, and tyrants, but to cast off the yoke of serfdom from the neck of humanity and to establish liberty and peace shall they tread this-to their individual selves perilous and to their noble selves the only glorious imaginable-path. Is the pride in their noble cause to be - misinterpreted as vanity? Who dares to utter such an abominable epithet? To him, I say either he is a fool or a knave. Let us forgive him for he can not realize the depth, the emotion, the sentiment and the noble feelings that surge in that heart. His heart is dead as a mere lump of flesh, his eyes are-weak, the evils of other interests having been cast over them. Self-reliance is always liable to be interpreted as vanity. It is sad and miserable but there is no help.
You go and oppose the prevailing faith, you go and criticise a hero, a great man, who is generally believed to be above criticism because he is thought to be infallible, the strength of your argument shall force the multitude to decry you as vainglorious. This is due to the mental stagnation, Criticism and independent thinking are the two indispensable qualities of a revolutionary. Because Mahatamaji is great, therefore none should criticise him. Because he has risen above, therefore everything he says-may be in the field of Politics or Religion, Economics or Ethics-is right. Whether you are convinced or not you must say, "Yes, that's true". This mentality does not lead towards progress. It is rather too obviously, reactionary.
Because our forefathers had set up a faith in some supreme, being-the Al mighty God- therefore any man who dares to challenge the validity of that faith, or the very existence of that supreme being, he shall have to be called an apostate, a renegade. If his arguments are too sound to be refuted by counter-arguments and spirit too strong to be cowed down by the threat of misfortunes that may befall him by the wrath of the Almighty-he shall be decried as vainglorious, his spirit to be denominated as vanity. Then why to waste time in this vain discussion? Why try to argue out the whole thing? This question is coming before the public for the first time, and is being handled in this matter of fact way for the first time, hence this lengthy discussion.
As for the first question, I think I have cleared that it is not vanity that has led me to atheism. My way of argument has proved to be convincing or not, that is to be judged by my readers, not me. I know in the present, circumstances my faith in God would have made my life easier, my burden lighter and my disbelief in Him has turned all the circumstances too dry and the situation may assume too harsh a shape. A little bit of mysticism can make it poetical. But I, do not want the help of any intoxication to meet my fate. I am a realist. I have been trying to overpower the instinct in me by the help of reason. I have not always been successful in achieving this end. But man's duty is to try and endeavour, success depends upon chance and environments.
As for the second question that if it was not vanity, then there ought to be some reason to disbelieve the old and still prevailing faith of the existence of God. Yes; I come to that now Reason there is. According to. me, any man who has got some reasoning power at his command always tries to reason out his environments. Where direct proofs are lacking philosophy occupies the important place. As I have already stated, a certain revolutionary friend used to say that Philosophy is the outcome of human weakness. When our ancestors had leisure enough to try to solve out the mystery of this world, its past, present and the future, its whys and wherefores, they having been terribly short of direct proofs, everybody tried to solve the problem in his own way. Hence we find the wide dufferences in the fundamentals of various religious creeds, which some times assume very antagonistic and conflicting shapes. Not only the Oriental and Occidental philosophies differ, there are differences even amongst various schools of thoughts in each hemisphere. Amongst Oriental religions, the Moslem faith is not at all compatible with Hindu faith. In India alone Buddhism and Jainism are sometimes quite separate from Brahmanism, in which there are again conflicting faiths as Arya Samaj and Sanatan Dharma. Charwak is still another independent thinker of the past ages. He challenged the authority of God in the old times. All these creeds differ from each other on the fundamental question., and everybody considers himself to be on the right. There lies the misfortune. Instead of using the experiments and expressions of the ancient Savants and thinkers as a basis for our future struggle against ignorance and to try to find out a solution to this mysterious problem, we lethargical as we have proved to be raise the hue and cry of faith, unflinching and unwavering faith to their versions and thus are guilty of stagnation in human progress.
Any man who stands for progress has to criticise, disbelieve and challenge every item of the old faith. Item by item he has to reason out every nook and corner of the prevailing faith. If after considerable reasoning one is led to believe in any theory or philosphy, his faith is welcomed. His reasoning can be mistaken, wrong, misled and sometimes fallacious. But he is liable to correction because reason is the guiding star of his life. But mere faith and blind faith is dangerous: it dulls the brain, and makes a man reactionary. A man who claims to be a realist has to challenge the whole of the ancient faith. If it does not stand the onslaught of reason it crumbles down. Then the first thing for him is to shatter the whole down and clear a space for the erection of a new philosophy. This is the negative side. After it begins the positive work in which sometimes some material of the old faith may be used for the purpose of reconstruction. As far as I am concerned, let me admit at the very outset that I have not been able to study much on this point. I had a great desire to study the Oriental Philosophy but I could not get any chance or opportunity to do the same. But so far as the negative study is under discussion, I think I am convinced to the extent of questioning the soundness of the old faith. I have been convinced as to non-existence of a conscious supreme being who is guiding and directing the movements of nature. We believe in nature and the whole progressive movement aims at the domination of man over nature for his service. There is no conscious power behind it to direct. This is what our philosophy is.
As for the negative side. we ask a few questions from the 'believers'.
(1) If, as you believe, there is an almighty, omnipresent, omniscient and omnipotent God-who created the earth or world, please let me know why did he creat it ? This world of woes and miseries, a veritable, eternal combination of number less tragedies: Not a single soul being perfectly satisfied.
Pray, don't say that it is His Law: If he is bound by any law, he is not omnipotent. He is another slave like ourselves. Please don't say that it is his enjoyment. Nero burnt one Rome. He killed a very limited number of people. He created very few tragedies, all to his perfect enjoyment. And what is his place in History ? By what names do the historians mention him? All the venomous epithets are showered upon him. Pages are blackened with invective diatribes condemning Nero, the tyrant, the heartless, the wicked. One Changezkhan sacrificed a few thousand lives to seek pleasure in it and we hate the very name. Then how are you going to justify your almighty, eternal Nero, who has been, and is still causing numberless tragedies every day, every hour and every minute ? How do you think to support his misdoings which surpass those of Changez every single moment? I say why did he create this world-a veritable hell, a place of constant and bitter unrest ? Why did the Almighty create man when he had the power not to do it ? What is the justification for all this ? Do you say to award the innocent sufferers hereafter and to punish the wrong-doers as well? Well, well: How far shall you justify a man who may dare to inflict wounds upon your body to apply a very soft and soothing liniment upon it afterwards? How far the supporters and organisers of the Gladiator Institution were justified in throwing men before the half starved furious lions to be cared for and well looked after if they could survive and could manage to escape death by the wild beasts? That is why I ask, 'Why did the conscious supreme being created this world and man in it? To seek pleasure? Where then is the difference between him and Nero'?
You Mohammadens and Christians : Hindu Philosophy shall still linger on to offer another argument. I ask you what is your answer to the above-mentioned question ? You don't believe in previous birth. Like Hindus you cannot advance the argument of previous misdoings of the apparently quite innocent sufrerers? I ask you why did the omnipotent labour for six days to create the world through word and each day to say that all was well. Call him today. Show him the past history. Make him study the present situation. Let us see if he dares to say, "All is well",
From the dungeons of prisons, from the stores of starvation consuming millions upon millions of human beings in slums and huts, from the exploited labourers, patiently or say apathetically watching the procedure of their blood being sucked by the Capitalist vampires, and the wastage of human energy that will make a man with the least common sense shiver with horror, and from the preference of throwing the surplus of production in oceans rather than to distribute amongst the needy producers-to the palaces of kings built upon the foundation laid with human bones.... let him see all this and let him say "All is well". Why and wherefore ? That is my question. You are silent. All right then, I proceed. Well, you Hindus, you say all the present sufferers belong to the class of sinners of the previous births. Good. You say the present oppressors were saintly people in their previous births, hence they enjoy power. Let me admit that your ancestors were very shrewed people, they tried to find out theories strong enough to hammer down all the efforts of reason and disbelief. But let us analyse how far this argument can really stand.
From the point of view of the most famous jurists punishment can be justified only from three or four ends to meet which it is inflicted upon the wrongdoer. They are retributive, reformative and deterrent. The retributive theory is now being condemned by all the advanced thinkers. Deterrent theory is also following the same fate. Reformative theory is the only one which is essential, and indispensable for human progress. It aims at returning the offender as a most competent and a peace-loving citizen to the society. But what is the nature of punishment inflicted by God upon men even if we suppose them to be offenders. You say he sends them to be born as a cow, a cat, a tree, a herb or a best. You enumerate these punishments to be 84 lakhs. I ask you what is its reformative effect upon man ? How many men have met you who say that they were born as a donkey in previous birth for having committed any sin ? None. Don't quote your Puranas. I have no scope to touch your mythologies. Moreover do you know that the greatest sin in this world is to be poor. Poverty is a sin, it is a punishment. I ask you how far would you appreciate a criminologist, a jurist or a legislator who proposes such measures of punishment which shall inevitably force man to commit more offences ? Had not your God thought of this or he also had to learn these things by experience, but at the cost of untold sufferings to be borne by. humanity ? What do you think shall be the fate of a man who has been born in a poor and illiterate family of say a chamar or a sweeper. He is poor, hence he cannot study. He is hated and shunned by his fellow human beings who think themselves to be his superiors having been born in say a higher caste. His ignorance, his poverty and the treatment meted out to him shall harden his heart towards society. Suppose he commits a sin, who shall bear the consequences? God, he or the learned ones of, the society ? What about the punishment of those people who were deliberately kept ignorant by the haughty and egotist Brahmans and who had to pay the penalty by bearing the stream of being led (not lead) in their ears for having heard a few sentences of your Sacred Books of learning-the Vedas ? If they committed any offence-who was to be responsible for them and who was to bear the brunt? My dear friends: These theories are the inventions of the privileged ones: They justify their usurped power, riches and superiority by the help of these theories. Yes: It was perhaps Upton Sinclair, that wrote at some place, that just make a man a believer in immortality and then rob him of all his riches, and possessions. He shall help you even in that ungrudgingly. The coalition amongst the religious preachers and possessors of power brought forth jails, gallows, knouts and these theories.
I ask why your omnipotent God, does not stop every man when he is committing any sin or offence ? He can do it quite easily. Why did he not kill war lords or kill the fury of war in them and thus avoid the catastrophe hurled down on the head of humanity by the Great War? Why does he not just produce a certain sentiment in the mind of the British people to liberate India? Why does he not infuse the althuistic enthusiasm in the hearts of all capitalists to forgo their rights of personal possessions of means of production and thus redeem the whole labouring community-nay the whole human society from the bondage of Capitalism. You want to reason out the practicability of socialist theory, I leave it for your almighty to enforce it. People recognize the merits of socialism in as much as the general welfare is concerned. They oppose it under the pretext of its being impracticable. Let the Almighty step in and arrange everything in an orderly fashion. Now don't try to advance round about arguments, they are out of order. Let me tell you, British rule is here not because God wills it but because they possess power and we do not dare to oppose them. Not that it is with the help of God that they are keeping us under their subjection but it is with the help of guns and rifles, bomb and bullets, police and millitia and our apathy that they are successfully committing the most deplorable sin against society- the outrageous exploitation of one nation by another. Where is God ? What is he doing ? Is he enjoying all I these woes of human race ? A Nero; A change (changez): Down with him :
Do you ask me how I explain the origin of this world and origion of man ? Alright I tell you. Charles Darwin has tried to throw some light on the subject. Study him. Read Soham Swam's "Commonsense". It shall answer your question to some extent. This is a phenomenon of nature. The accidental mixture of different substances in the shape of nebulace produced this earth. When ? Consult history. The same process produced animals and in the long run man. Read Darwin's 'Origin of Species'. And all the later progress is due to man's constant conflict with nature and his efforts to override it. This is the briefest possible explanation of this phenomenon.
Your other argument may be just to ask why a child is born blind or lame if not due to his deeds committed in the previous birth ? This problem has been explained away by biologists as a more biological phenomenon. According to them the whole burden rests upon the shoulders of the parents who may be conscious or ignorant of their own deeds led to mutilation of the child previous to its birth.
Naturally you may ask another question-though it is quite childish in essence. If no God existed, how did the people come to believe in him? My answer is clear and brief. As they came to believe in ghosts, and evil spirits; the only difference is that belief in God is almost universal and the philosophy well developed. Unlike certain of the radicals I would not attribute its origin to the ingenuity of the exploiters who wanted to keep the people under their subjection by preaching the existence of a supreme being and then claiming an authority and sanction from him for their privileged positions. Though I do not differ with them on the essential point that all faiths, religions, creeds and such other institutions became in turn the mere supporters of the tyrannical and exploiting institutions, men and classes. Rebellion against king is always a sin according to every religion.
As regards the origin of God my own idea is that having realized the limitations of man, his weaknesses and shortcoming having been taken into consideration, God was brought into imaginary existence to encourage man to face boldly all the trying circumstances, to meet all dangers manfully and to check and restrain his outbursts in prosperity and affluence. God both with his private laws and parental generosity was imagined and painted in greater details. He was to serve as a deterrent factor when his fury and private laws were discussed so that man may not become a danger to society. He was to serve as a father, mother, sister and brother, friend and helpers when his parental qualifications were to be explained. So that when man be in great distress having been betrayed and deserted by all friends he may find consolation in the idea that an ever true friend was still there to help him, to support him and that He was almighty and could do anything. Really that was useful to the society in the primitive age. The idea of God is helpful to man in distress.
Society has to fight out this belief as well as was fought the idol worship and the narrow conception of religon. Similarly, when man tries to stand on his own legs, and become a realist he shall have to throw the faith aside, and to face manfully all the distress, trouble, in which the circumstances may throw him. That is exactly my state of affairs. It is not my vanity, my friends. It is my mode of thinking that has made me an atheist. I don't know whether in my case belief in God and offering of daily prayers which I consider to be most selfish and degraded act on the part of man, whether these prayers can prove to be helpful or they shall make my case worse still. I have read of atheists facing all troubles quite boldly, so am I trying to stand like a man with an erect head to the last; even on the gallows.
Let us see how I carry on : one friend asked me to pray. When informed of my atheism, he said, "During your last days you will begin to believe". I said, No, dear Sir, it shall not be. I will think that to be an act of degradation and demoralization on my part. For selfish motives I am not going to pray. Readers and friends, "Is this vanity"? If it is, I stand for it.

bahut wadhiya poem ae ...
bilkul sahi keha jis ne v likhi...
thanks for sharing it here....

bahut wadhiya post bann chukki ae eh... :)

As soon as Bhagat Singh was unfettered from the shackles of a huge security, he plunged headlong into revolutionary activities. In a short time he galvanized the moribund organization which, in-spite of the Cawnpore resolution, had been in a state of decay.

At this time the party was scattered into groups in different cities with no definite program or scheme of work before them. Such groups were in existence at Lahore, Delhi ; Cawnpore, Benares and Allahabad in U. P., and at a few places in Bihar. Sometimes in July, 1928 a preliminary meeting was held at Cawnpore and it was decided there that important representative members were to be called together to form a Central Committee.



According to this decision, Bhagat Singh and Bijoy Kumar Sinha began to tour about the country, and in September 1928, an important meeting was held at Purana Qila, Delhi. Two or three representatives each from Bihar, U. P., Punjab and Rajputana were called to­gether, and the meeting continued for two days.

In this meeting Bhagat Singh took his stand as a socialist worker, and under his forceful arguments the program was drawn up on socialistic principles. Hence­forth murder of police-officials or approvers, which actions were very dear to many members of the party, was relegated to the back ground. From now only such actions were contemplated as would lead to mass awakening and mass action. (emphasis added :ed)

Bhagat Singh also urged for changing the name of the party from Hindustan Republican Association to Hindustan Socialist Republican Association. The proposal was at first stoutly opposed by representatives from U. P. who declared that the name adopted by such well-known revolutionary leaders as Ram Prasad Bismil, Sachin Sanyal and Jogesh Chatterjee has acquired a good deal of prestige, and it should not be changed. But ultimately Bhagat Singh's proposal was accepted.



At this meeting it was further decided that the organization should be broadly divided into two groups, the active group and the sympathizers. The active group would be engaged in collecting arms and ammunition, in carrying out plans of terrorism, and would try to develop group actions into mass actions. This group-would be known as Hindustan Socialist Republican Army. It would be the work of the sympathizers to collect money by personal contribution and by public subs­cription, to arrange for the shelter of the members of the active group and to carry on propaganda.



A Central Committee was constituted, with two members each from U. P., the Punjab and Bihar and one member from Rajputana. Bhagat Singh became an active and important member of the Committee, and Bijoy Kumar Sinha was in charge of maintaining inter provincial link. The Head quarters of the party was established at Jhansi in charge of Sj. Kundan Lal who was the representative of Rajputana in the Central Committee. Chandra Shekhar Azad, an absconder in half a dozen political cases including the Kakori Case, and who died so valiantly in an engagement with the police in the Alfred Park, Allahabad on 27th February, 1931 was head of the active group, that is, the army. Bhagat Singh had the unique position of being-one of the leaders in the active group and also a vigorous propagandist.

It was also decided in the same meeting that members of the H. S. R. Army should leave home and cut off connexions with the family, and should divert their whole energy towards work for the party. As religious sectarianism was also tabooed, Bhagat Singh had to divest himself of all outward symbols of Sikhism, i. e., he had to cut his hair short and to shave.

Shortly, the head-quarters of the party were shifted from Jhansi to Agra. Here, two houses were taken on rent, and many young men, after leaving home and relatives, came there and lived together. The young men lived in utter poverty, for the party was always in need of funds. At one time, for three continuous days and nights, there was absolutely nothing to eat except a cup of tea. In the terrible winter nights of Agra, they had only two or three blankets to share between 8 or 9 men, with practically no beding.. Though Bhagat Singh was accustomed to live a luxurious life at home, yet he never for a moment felt unhappy under these trying circumstances.



With his ever increasing zest for study, Bhagat Singh began to build up a small library at Agra. With this purpose he roamed about, begging for books from sympathizers. In a short time a distinctive though small library grew up here, and the most important section among the books were of course, Economics. (emphasis added :ed)



Bhagat Singh's study of and discussions on Socialism went on unabated. In the whole party he was perhaps second to none in the vastness and depth of study. While studying general literature, he often used to get by heart striking and beautiful passages, and in the Jail during the Lahore Conspiracy Case he often enlivened and brightened up his fellow-comrades by reproducing beautiful passages from memory.

ਉਸ ਨੇ ਕਦ ਕਿਹਾ ਸੀ ਮੈਂ ਸ਼ਹੀਦ ਹਾਂ
ਉਸ ਨੇ ਸਿਰਫ਼ ਇਹ ਕਿਹਾ ਸੀ ,ਫਾਂਸੀ ਦਾ ਰੱਸਾ ਚੁੰਮਣ ਤੋਂ ਕੁਝ ਦਿਨ ਪਹਿਲਾਂ
ਕਿ ਮੈਥੋਂ ਵੱਧ ਕੌਣ ਹੋਵੇਗਾ ਖੁਸ਼ਕਿਸਮਤ ਮੈਨੂੰ ਅੱਜ--ਕੱਲ੍ਹ ਨਾਜ਼ ਹੈ ਆਪਣੇ ਆਪ ‘ਤੇ
ਹੁਣ ਤਾਂ ਬੜੀ ਬੇਤਾਬੀ ਨਾਲ ਆਖਰੀ ਇਮਤਿਹਾਨ ਦੀ ਉਡੀਕ ਹੈ ਮੈਨੂੰ
ਤੇ ਆਖਰੀ ਇਮਤਿਹਾਨ ਵਿਚੋਂ ਉਹ ਇਸ ਸ਼ਾਨ ਨਾਲ ਪਾਸ ਹੋਇਆ
ਕਿ ਮਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਨਾਜ਼ ਹੋਇਆ ਆਪਣੀ ਕੁੱਖ ‘ਤੇ ਉਸ ਨੇ ਕਦ ਕਿਹਾ ਸੀ : ਮੈਂ ਸ਼ਹੀਦ ਹਾਂ
ਸ਼ਹੀਦ ਤਾਂ ਉਸ ਨੂੰ ਧਰਤੀ ਨੇ ਕਿਹਾ ਸੀ
ਸ਼ਹੀਦ ਤਾਂ ਉਸ ਨੂੰ ਸਤਲੁਜ ਦੀ ਗਵਾਹੀ ਤੇ ਪੰਜਾਂ ਪਾਣੀਆਂ ਨੇ ਕਿਹਾ ਸੀ
ਗੰਗਾ ਨੇ ਕਿਹਾ ਸੀ ਬ੍ਰਹਮਪੁੱਤਰ ਨੇ ਕਿਹਾ ਸੀ
ਉਸ ਨੂੰ ਸ਼ਾਇਦ ਸ਼ਹੀਦ ਤਾਂ ਉਸ ਨੂੰ ਰੁੱਖਾਂ ਦੇ ਪੱਤੇ-ਪੱਤੇ ਨੇ ਕਿਹਾ ਸੀ
ਤੁਸੀਂ ਹੁਣ ਧਰਤੀ ਨਾਲ ਲੜ ਪਏ ਹੋ ਤੁਸੀਂ ਹੁਣ ਦਰਿਆਵਾਂ ਨਾਲ ਲੜ ਪਏ ਹੋ
ਤੁਸੀਂ ਹੁਣ ਰੁੱਖਾਂ ਦੇ ਪੱਤਿਆਂ ਨਾਲ ਲੜ ਪਏ ਹੋ ਮੈਂ ਬਸ ਤੁਹਾਡੇ ਲਈ ਦੁਆ ਹੀ ਕਰ ਸਕਦਾ ਹਾਂ
ਕਿ ਰੱਬ ਤੁਹਾਨੂੰ ਬਚਾਵੇ ਧਰਤੀ ਦੀ ਬਦਸੀਸ ਤੋਂ ਦਰਿਆਵਾਂ ਦੀ ਬਦਦੁਆ ਤੋਂ ਰੁੱਖਾਂ ਦੀ ਹਾਅ ਤੋਂ ।
Surjit Patar

We have now to relate an historical occurrence which played such a deciding part in the life of Sardar Bhagat Singh. We need not here dwell on the history of the appointment of the Simon Commission in the teeth of universal opposition in India, or the subsequent nationwide boycott of the same. The demonstrations in connexion with the boycott of Simon Commission aroused much popular enthusiasm.



After visiting many places, the Commission was to arrive at Lahore on 30th October 1928. A very big procession was organized at Lahore to boycott the Simon Commission. But the Government Officials had proclaimed the application of Sec. 144, and the police were ordered to prevent any demonstration. There was a clash between the procession-ists and the police, and many Congress workers, including Lala Lajpat Rai, were beaten by the police. Sometime afterwards, Lala Lajpat Rai died on 17th November. The people believed that Lalaji's death was due to the beating he had received. Mr. Scott, the Senior Superintendent of Police Lahore, was held responsible for the Police beatings and Mr. Saunders, an assistant Superintendent of police, was popularly regarded as connected with the beating of Lalaji. On the evening of 17th December, 1928 Mr. Saunders was murdered just before the Police Office, Chanan Singh, a constable, who wanted to pursue the assailants, was also murdered, after which the culprits escaped and could not be traced.



Next morning the police discovered .several posters pasted on walls at different places in the city, with the bold printed heading in red : "The Hindustan Socialist Republican Army," below which was written out in thick letters: "Saunders is dead, Lalaji is avenged," and some other matter in justification of the action.



Such is the bare outline history of the incident. From the narrative of Jai Gopal, an approver in the Lahore Conspiracy Case, we can reconstruct the whole story.



Ever since the day of Lala Lajpat Rai's death, the Punjab group was considering the plan of avenging the death of Lalaji by killing the Police Officers "who were responsible for Lalaji's beating that led ultimately to his death. They had two-fold object in this: first to give the popular movement a turn towards violence, and second, to show to the world that Lalaji's beating was not taken lying by India. The action was incidentally to advertise the existence of a revolutionary party in India.

For this purpose it was decided that Bhagat Singh and Shivaram Rajguru should attempt on the life. of Mr. Scott, the S. S. P., with revolvers. Pt, Chandra Shekhar Azad the absconder in the Kakori Conspiracy Case of 1926, was to direct the whole action and to work as a rear guard.

The whole plot was carefully thought out and complete arrangements were made for the same. Originally, it was the intention of these three youths to fight out a pitched battle with the police and if possible, to lay down their lives fighting. In this idea they were inspired by the story of Jotindrer Nath Mukherjee and his associates who, instead of flying before the police and save their skin boldly faced them and in a pitched revolver fight, laid down their lives; sometime in 1916.They believed that in this way they would be able to rouse up the imagination of the youth and bring them into the ranks of the revolutionaries.

But the plan failed in two respects. Instead of Mr. Scott they murdered Mr. Saunders. Then, as the police did not follow them up, their desire for a pitched fight; could not be fulfilled. Only one Police Officer, namely Mr. Fern, came out of the Police Office after the shots had been fired that killed Mr. Saunders. But two bullets whirling by his head proved too strong an argument for returning back. Only Chanan Singh dared to follow them up. He was entreated to give up the chase; but on his refusing to do so, he was also killed by bullet shots.



The three then went to the D. A. V. College Boarding House, which was in lose proximity to the Police Office, waiting for the police to appear. But when nobody came, they returned to their place of shelter on two bicycles, one of which was taken as a forced loan from a cycle dealer.



No sooner had Bhagat Singh and his party left the D. A. V. College Boarding House, the police appeared on the scene in full force, surrounded the boarding house, began to search every nook and corner, and blocked all exits and entrances. Not only that. Strong police force was posted on all roads leading in and out of Lahore, the railway stations became full of C. I. D. men, and .all young men leaving Lahore were carefully scrutinized. But the three young men frustrated all the attempts of the police and safely got away from Lahore.



The stratagem that Bhagat Singh adopted was as clever as it was bold. He dressed up as a young Government Official, adopted a big official name, put labels of that name on his trunks and portmanteaux, and in the company of a beautiful lady, entrained a first class compartment at the Central Railway Station in the face of those very C. I D.Officials who were specially deputed to arrest the assassin of Mr. Saunders. He had a fully dressed orderly in the person of Rajguru, with the inevitable tiffin carrier in his hand; of course, all were fully armed for all emergency.



Chandra Sekhar Azad adopted a simple method. He got up a pilgrim party for Mathura, with old ladies and gentlemen, and in the capacity of a Brahmin Pandit in an orthodox style, escorted them,—and himself—out of Lahore !

As Bhagat Singh was a persona grata with the C. I. D. Police, their first hypothesis included his name as a probable culprit. So they began to hunt for him. But since the security bonds were cancelled by the High Court, the police could not get any clue of Bhagat Singh. In confidential circulars to Police Officers, instructions were laid down to arrest him whenever he could be found. Special Police Officers were deputed to trace out his whereabouts. Police constables who knew him were posted at big junctions, and a strict watch was kept by the Railway Police.

In spite of such extreme measures, Bhagat Singh roamed about undaunted. The success of the Saunders murder had brought prestige to the party, and it created much sensation among the students. Henceforth, monetary conditions of the party began to improve. On the very night when the murder was committed, the group of the few young men who lived in a rented house in Lahore had run so short of money that they could not arrange for light at night. But in a few days they began to receive subscriptions which removed their pecuniary want for the time being.

The Calcutta session of the Indian National Congress was now about to begin, and it was decided that Bhagat Singh and Bijoy Kumar Sinha should go there to study situation, and to establish connexion with the Bengal Revolutionary Party. Since the arrests in U.P. in connexion with the Kakori Case and the rigorous application of the Bengal Criminal Law Amendment Act in Bengal, the connexion between U. P. and Bengal had been broken. The Deoghar Conspiracy Case broke the last link in the chain.

There was not much difficulty for Bhagat Singh to get entrance into the inner circle of the revolutionary organizations in Bengal. He was very much impressed to meet the veteran leaders of the movement, who had spent the greater portion of their lives in Jail. But he found that they had no faith in the methods adopted by Bhagat Singh and his party in U. P. and the Punjab. In one thing only they all agreed, namely the ultimate necessity of an armed revolution to bring about freedom of the country. But in other matters, such as the need of a socialistic outlook, the place of terrorism in the party Programme, the need of secrecy, etc., they differed widely.

His conversations with some old terrorists opened out to him the need of manufacturing bombs. With this purpose in view he began to look out for a trained expert who could teach their party the complete process in the manufacture of bombs. With some difficulty he secured the services of an expert. At first he hesitated, saying that as a member of the Revolutionary Party of Bengal, he was under the discipline of the party leaders who disapproved of the manufacture or use of bombs. But Bhagat Singh ultimately convinced him that what might be true for Bengal was not true for U. P. or the Punjab, and that the manufacture and use of bombs would be restricted to those provinces, thereby leaving Bengal in peace to work out its program. Besides arranging for the manufacture of bombs, Bhagat Singh was able to come into personal touch with the newly recruited members of the Bihar branch of H. S. R. Association. A new centre was established at Calcutta in charge of a Behari member. An assylum was also established here to give shelter to absconders.

On account of the sympathetic attitude of the dealers, the necessary materials and chemicals for the manufacture of bombs were easily procured. It was decided that the preparations should be done at Agra, where a new house was rented for this purpose. The bomb expert arrived at the appointed time, and taught the complete process to a select group. For the next two months, the party remained engaged in the manufacture of these deadly weapons. Besides Agra, Lahore and Saharanpur were also used as bomb manufacturing centers.

Two of the first batch of bombs that were manufactured at Agra were taken to Jhansi where they were exploded for the purpose of experimenting their bursting capacity. The members seemed to have been quite satisfied with the results.

At this time one of the members of the party fell seriously ill which ultimately proved to be a virulent type of smallpox. Bhagat Singh and his comrades nursed him day and night, regardless of the risks involved to themselves. It was mainly due to the careful nursing of these young men that his life was saved. But, strange to say, it was the same man who turned out an approver within a short time of his arrest, and implicated the very same comrades who had done so much to save his life during his severe illness.

On the eighth of April, 1929, the royal, city of Delhi witnessed one of the most colorful spectacles that it is ever destined to see, when two representatives of the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association entered unnoticed the Assembly Chamber and threw two bombs towards the seats occupied by Government Officials. With deafening noise the bombs exploded and covered the room with dense smoke. The benches near which the bombs fell were broken to pieces, and a portion of the floor was also-hollowed out. But, except for a few minor scratches, no one received any injury.

The scene presented by the Assembly Chamber immediately after the explosion beggars descriptions. There was a rush towards the adjoining room where gallant members fled as if pursued by the very devil. It was reported that even lavatories were not free from these gentlemen who sought refuge in every nook and corner of the building.

Amidst these mirthful scenes a few members remained unnerved, foremost amongst whom were Pandit Moti Lal Nehru, Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya and as truth must be spoken, Sir James Crerar. The visitors' gallery also presented a deserted appearance. But lo! towards this official benches, midway between the central gate and the ladies' gallery could be seen two young men, undaunted and calm, as if diving deep into a, vision of the future ! They are the two historic figures, Sardar Bhagat Singh and Sj. Batukeswar Dutt.



The occasion for exploding the bombs on the floor of the Legislative Assembly Hall was also very important. Owing to a militant type of labour agitation in Bombay, and the success attending the agitation, the Government thought it advisable to hurry through the assembly a bill which would have worked as a Check to labour agitation.



How Bhagat Singh and Dutt could enter the Council Chamber unobserved by the police sergeants posted at the gates has remained a mystery to the police. Their surprise will be the greater when they will learn that they got entrance not only on that particular date, but that they had been going into Assembly Hall for the last 3 or 4 days, as was the fact. This was possible for two reasons, first, because they were smartly dressed in European costume, and as such, did not arouse suspicion; and second, because they had procured visitors' passes. For three days continually, they went into the hall, with a fully charged bomb in one pocket and a loaded revolver in another. They observed and waited for the most psychological moment, and when the time came, they calmly carried out their plan as if it was nothing more serious than lighting a match box.



We want to emphasize here the fact, that there was ample opportunity for both of them to make good their escape, if they so desired. It was part of a deliberate plan that they calmly surrendered to the police and thereby consciously and willingly offered themselves, for that terrible penalty which was inevitable after the commission of an act of that nature.



Each of them had a fully loaded revolver, and if they so wished, they could have utilized these to kill many Government Officials who were running helter skelter in different directions. But they did nothing of the sort. They took out their revolvers, and before the eyes of the police sergeants who had hurried to the spot, put them down on the adjoining chairs. Then they shouted out, both together : "Long Live the Revolution," "Down with Imperialism," cries which were uttered for the first time in India by them and which soon became the universal cry of the youths of India. Simultaneously with these shouts they began to throw out bundles of a red leaf­let with the title, "The Hindusthan Socialist Republican Army" and a spirited appeal typewritten on the red letter-head. These letter-heads were the same as were used on the occasion of the Saunders Murder Case. "It takes a loud voice to make the deaf hear," began the appeal, and quoting the instance of the French anarchist, Valliant, they justified their act, and urged: "Let the representatives of the people return to their constituencies and prepare the masses for the coming revolution."

Immediately with the throwing out of these leaflets, two police sergeants and a number of constables arrived on the spot and took Bhagat Singh and Dutt into custody. But before they disappeared from the arena, they again shouted, "Long live the Revolution", and "Down with Imperialism", which reverberated through the hall and astonished the bewildered spectators.